The Trouble With Oligarchs
An answer, finally, to a question which has been bugging me for ages. Conversations between me and Harvard Institute types about the disastrous "shock therapy" experiment in Russia where an attempt to build capitalism in one country ended up killing a fair chunk of the population have always tended to go like this:
Me: What the hell happened? How did you fuck up Russia so badly? People call Art Laffer a crap economist, but he never starved a million people to death! What were you guys smoking?
Harvard Institute type: Oh it was terribly sad. Our policy mix was about right, but, unfortunately, the whole thing was derailed by the botched privatisation program
Me: I'll say it was fucking botched! GDP fell by 42%! Life expectancy fell by seven years! I simply do not believe that a freaking privatisation program, a fairly mild supply-side reform, no matter how badly designed, could have that kind of immediate and catastrophic macroeconomic effect!
Usher: Excuse me sir, would you mind lowering your voice and minding your language? Professor Shleifer is about to make his speech
HI Type:Well the problem is that because the privatisation program was handled badly, the national assets ended up in the hands of a small group of oligarchs.
Me: So fucking what? They were in the hands of a small group of oligarchs before the privatisation! In any case, how does this affect output?! When people find out that their employer has been taken over, they might slack off a little, but they don't suddenly decide to down tools, go home and starve to fucking death! There's got to be more to it than that!
Somewhat more burly usher: Excuse me sir, would you mind stepping outside ...?
Which has always been the kernel of my argument. Terribly unfair and corrupt or not, handing over ownership of a factory from this bunch of gangsters to that bunch of gangsters doesn't stop the wheels turning. Surely to goodness, the Harvard Institute must have made some other criminally stupid mistake to do so much macro-level damage in such a short time?
The answer to which was, "yes and no". Fundamentally, what we have to realise that, at an economic rather than a political level, what's bad about oligarchs is a monetary perniciousness rather than a moral one. The fact that they're crooks is economically neutral. However, the fact that they know they're crooks, and they suspect that they're going to get found out soon, can have disastrous effects. Think about it this way:
A party apparatchik can be a pretty venial and horrible person. But there's only so much self-dealing he can do for himself under a communist system. He can get a bloody fine dacha, the best food and drink, good clothes and a couple of mistresses and that's it. Don't get me wrong; it was possible under the Soviet system to live a lifestyle not unlike that of a Western millionaire if you played the game right. Let's assume that the actual consumption of the oligarch class was unchanged post privatisation.
The trouble with a capitalist robber-baron as opposed to a corrupt commissar is that because he's a capitalist, he is concerned with accumulation as well as consumption. Specifically, his goal is not just to live like a king, but to take as much of the cash flow of his factories as he can, convert it into dollars and stash it somewhere outside Russia where the people he's meant to be answerable to can't find it. In the balance of payments, this shows up as a negative item on the capital account (ie, by depositing the money in a foreign account, he is increasing the claims of Russians on institutions outside Russia). When you have the entire productive industry of the country owned by people like this, then the capital outflows can be pretty massive.
Unfortunately, for a country in Russia's stage of development, you would normally want to see capital inflows, not outflows, which was rather the problem. Billions of dollars in aid and investment went into Russia between 1990 and 1998, but most of it just ended up providing the liquidity for capital flight. And of course, as one learns in the dull national accounts lecture in the first week of your macroeconomics course, a negative item on the capital account has to have as a counterpart a positive item on the current account; to accomodate the capital flight, Russia had to run a current account surplus. Which is pretty tricky; given that Russian exports to the outside world were more or less fixed in the short term, the only way to create the surplus was through import reduction or "domestic demand compression". Which is exactly what happened; Russia experienced a huge and horrendous depression precisely because an item which is usually small enough to be forgotten about (the drain on domestic liquidity brought about by capital flight on the part of criminals) became significant enough to be large relative to the domestic money supply. So the *really* stupid policy of the Harvard Institute was to impose the open foreign exchange and capital markets which made the capital flight possible.
Interestingly, there is a corollary to this "monetary theory of kleptocracy". Note that most of the bad effects of the kleptocrats took place because they converted their (local currency) profits of theft into dollars, draining the economy of hard currency. Because of this, we can credibly hypothesise that there is one case in which you could hand the entire economy over to robber barons and it wouldn't really matter at all. That would be the case in which the local currency is the global reserve currency, so that the kleptocrats are happy holding their wealth in local currency. In other words, the one country in the world which has literally nothing to fear from becoming a gangster state is the United States of America!
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(datetime)Thursday 2002-09-19 00:31:03(/datetime)
(name)a different chris(/name)
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(uri /)
I was really enjoyng this post until you threw in that nasty little- and completely unforseen- twist at the end. Now I think I'm going to be sick.
No, WAIT!! Never mind, I'm a US citizen. Whew. Rotten luck for the rest of you blokes, though.(/text)
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(datetime)Thursday 2002-09-19 01:09:03(/datetime)
(name)Jeremy Leader(/name)
(email)jleader[at]alumni[[[.]]]caltech[[[.]]]edu(/email)
(uri /)
Well, there's still the issue that crookswho are worried about being found will make different choices than those who fear less. That is, if you're the apparatchik in charge of a factory, and you expect to be running it (and skimming all you can from it) for the next 20 years, you've got a pretty good incentive to keep the facilities up, keep the employees happy, etc. If you're constantly looking over your shoulder expecting to be ousted, you'll be much less willing to leave any blood unsucked, as it were. Kind of a parasite vs. carnivore comparison.
Wait a sec, doesn't that describe our modern American CEOs, too?(/text)
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(datetime)Thursday 2002-09-19 03:43:56(/datetime)
(name)zizka(/name)
(email)emersonj at easystreet dot com(/email)
(uri)vanitysite.net(/uri)
I'm going to link to this. Do you want me to make it explicit that you,unlike me, are not a paranoid fanatic?
It's my experience that when you're talking to economists and you start talking about issues which are not part of technical economics (something like future generations, human welfare, or the environment) they tend to blandly tune you out. Even nice economists.
Of course, if you happen to say anything about any technical economic question along the way, they will chop you to mincemeat, ignoring your main point , with balnd, urbane economists' smiles on their faces all the while.
Free trade in, e.g. Argentina seems to be working about as well as shock therapy. Except for Krugman, I haven't seen the tiniest mea culpa from any economist.
Politically you can't rule out the possibility that these failures were deliberate, intended to put Russia, Argentina, et al in positions of hopeless servility.
Economists to me are like Catholic theologians ca 1200 AD. They argue with each other a lot but gang up on outsiders, and they're backed by the state power and invulnerable.
More at www.vanitysite.net/dismal.htm(/text)
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(datetime)Thursday 2002-09-19 07:07:10(/datetime)
(name)dsquared(/name)
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heh. I'd describe myself as a member of the irresponsible party rather than the paranoid.(/text)
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(datetime)Thursday 2002-09-19 07:32:44(/datetime)
(name)Jason McCullough(/name)
(email)jason[at]hronk[.]com(/email)
(uri)http://zebco.blogspot.com/(/uri)
A million deaths? Sure, it's sucked in every imaginable way, but who are the million dead?(/text)
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(datetime)Thursday 2002-09-19 09:56:26(/datetime)
(name)dsquared(/name)
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It's a fairly conservative estimate of "excess deaths" from malnutrition, alcoholism and suicide. Think about it this way; when the male life expectancy falls seven years, then that's a statistical measure, and in a population the size of Russia, a lot of people have to die young to move the numbers by that much.
It is a feature of market economies, discussed in a post below, that when they kill a million people, they don't leave fingerprints.(/text)
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(datetime)Thursday 2002-09-19 19:03:41(/datetime)
(name)Howard Shatz(/name)
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You have linked collapse in Russia with a set of economic reform policies. All well and good, but what about the initial conditions? In 1990-1991 the USSR was a collapsing, bankrupt empire. I believe that the bulk of the macro reforms and privatization started after that.
Are you saying that in the midst of political chaos Russia could have formed proper institutions to oversee reforms, or that with the lack of proper institutions Russia would have been better off with no reforms?
I'm not sure I see the counterfactual.
Also, I am a bit confused on the your timing of the demographic collapse and privatization. The paper you link to covers 1990 to 1994, which coincides with the era of voucher privatization.
The oligarchs really took over in the loans for shares deals of (I think) 1996, part of an effort to re-elect Yeltsin (a desire, by the way, that the Clinton administration fully supported and aided in its own way).
I am neither supporting nor criticizing the reforms. I simply do not understand how you can claim causality for an economic program without considering initial conditions or other policies in place at the time.(/text)
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(datetime)Thursday 2002-09-19 21:16:31(/datetime)
(name)dsquared(/name)
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I'm claiming, and will dig up references to support it if I can be bothered, that in the conditions which prevailed in Russia in 1991, no "reform" would have been better than what was done. I utterly disagree that Russia was "bankrupt" in 1990.(/text)
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(datetime)Thursday 2002-09-19 21:19:35(/datetime)
(name)dsquared(/name)
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Btw, Howard, thanks for a very thoughtful comment. You're right about the timing of that paper; I just did a google search and pasted something hastily. And the actual scheduling of the various catastrophic interventions of HIID is much more complicated, you're right. I don't understand your objection on the basis of "initial conditions", though. The HIID gang were meant to make policy for Russia, not some hypothetical country of the imagination. If they screwed it up, they're on the hook, the same as a bungling doctor.(/text)
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(datetime)Friday 2002-09-20 02:16:13(/datetime)
(name)Howard Shatz(/name)
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"If they screwed it up, they're on the hook, the same as a bungling doctor."
Absolutely correct, if the disease is known and correctly diagnosed and the cure is known.
What if the disease or the cure or not known, or there could be several reasonable alternative diagnoses?
The main point underlying my previous comment is that under conditions of uncertainty, it is not clear we should judge the success of the intervention by its outcome, especially when there are so many other intervening variables.
Calling Russia bankrupt may have been an overstatement -- or a misstatment -- since I don't have data regarding government debt (especially foreign debt) and government revenues easily available.
However, it's pretty clear the situation was chaotic. See the World Bank's Transition Newsletter from that era:
www.worldbank.org/transitionnewsletter.
The January 1991 issue reports a shift to barter and dollarization along with restrictions on internal movements of goods.
The July/August 1991 issue has then-WB chief economist Larry Summers saying the Soviet economy is in desperate straits, with repressed hyperinflation and other problems, and that the only solution is to move toward a market system "all at once."
The September 1991 issue cites Moscow economist Leonid Gregoriev saying Soviet GNP had already dropped 10 percent that year and would probably fall 15 to 20 percent.
And so on.
The issue, then, is what do you do in _those_ conditions?
You say in a comment above that doing nothing would have been better than the reforms that were carried out.
Maybe so, but I'm not convinced. Isn't doing nothing pretty much what was done in Belarus and a few of the other FSU states? Are they better off than Russia?
I'm not saying all the reforms were good, or any of the reforms were good. All I'm saying is the situation is not so straightforward.
These quesions, by the way, were at the base of a pretty interesting exchange between Anders Aslund and Joe Stiglitz at the 1999 World Bank conference on development economics. I don't think there's going to be a consensus anytime soon.(/text)
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(datetime)Friday 2002-09-20 07:09:18(/datetime)
(name)dsquared(/name)
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Hippocrates said "first of all, do no harm ..."
And I think it can't be right to take 1991 as a starting point and say "what do you do starting there?". By 1991, Western policy advisors had already made significant contributions to screwing things up -- unless one's prepared to argue that "accelerationism" was a purely homegrown idea.
My personal opinion is that if Gorbachev had been allowed to stay in power, things would not have been so bad.(/text)
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(datetime)Friday 2002-09-20 23:21:53(/datetime)
(name)Jason McCullough(/name)
(email)jason[at]hronk[[.]]com(/email)
(uri)http://zebco.blogspot.com/(/uri)
'It's a fairly conservative estimate of "excess deaths" from malnutrition, alcoholism and suicide.'
Ok, that makes sense. Can't you look at it as discounting today's deaths (I am so going to hell for arguing this) for a smaller pile of communist-inefficiency induced deaths in the future, though?
I mean, it'd be nice if there was some way we could have converted them over to the free-market without this sort of crapola, but I'm not sure there was. If there wasn't, then technically you can make the argument that a smaller pile of corpses today is better than a long-term bigger pile!
I'm going to go scrub my skin off now. Must get clean.....(/text)
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(datetime)Saturday 2002-09-21 03:04:27(/datetime)
(name)dsquared(/name)
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>>Can't you look at it as discounting today's deaths (I am so going to hell for arguing this) for a smaller pile of communist-inefficiency induced deaths in the future, though? <<
I include by citation here the entire 500 pages of Derek Parfit's "Reasons and Persons" here. Basically no; Parfit has a bloody good argument why the "social discount rate" in these cases ought to be zero. It's acceptable for an individual to have time preference within his own life; it's an entirely different kettle of fish for one to start making such choices when the "rate of time preference" represents a choice between lives. I'd recommend reading the entire last third of the book; the question of public polcy and welfare economics when the choice is between "how many people are born" is incredibly interesting.(/text)
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(datetime)Tuesday 2002-09-24 23:53:53(/datetime)
(name)Jason McCullough(/name)
(email)jason[at]hronk[[[.]]]com(/email)
(uri)http://zebco.blogspot.com/(/uri)
Good point. So, resolved: we really fucked up. Was there a better alternative?(/text)
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(datetime)Wednesday 2002-09-25 05:07:18(/datetime)
(name)Matt Weiner(/name)
(email)mcwst5[at]pitt[.]edu(/email)
(uri /)
Hey, wait a second. If the discount rate is zero, doesn't that strengthen Jason's argument? The question then becomes how much the accumulated pile of corpses is (bleah, now I'm going to hell too).
I think there's a reasonable argument that, if future conditions are at all uncertain, you should save as many people as you can right now--even if you suspect that'll lead to gradually accumulating excess deaths in the future. In the future you might figure something out.
The purely theoretical moral problem seems to be related to the philosophical puzzler, "If a trolley is heading toward five people, is it OK to steer it over one different person instead?" I flip back and forth between Utilitarian expected-corpse minimization and saying that you must always rescue those most immediately threatened, with most time spent in between those two positions, clutching my head.
This is not to accept the economic premises--I'll leave that to you who know what you're talking about.
(/text)
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(datetime)Wednesday 2002-09-25 20:30:58(/datetime)
(name)Eric M(/name)
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DSquared, is there really any difference betw what you accuse the Harvard types of doing to Russia and the Washington Consensus and the way it worked on say Pakistan, or Brazil for that matter?
It's fun to go after Harvard, but they were perfectly within the establishment program of the World Bank and IMF. Maybe this is why the developing world is rejecting liberal capitalism.
>>>Was there a better alternative?
Putin has been making steady progress.(/text)
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(datetime)Wednesday 2002-09-25 20:55:40(/datetime)
(name)Arnold Kling(/name)
(email)arnoldsk[at]us[[.]]net(/email)
(uri)http://arnoldkling.com/gqe/(/uri)
<a href = "http://arnoldkling.com/gqe/arch28.html#271">http://arnoldkling.com/gqe/arch28.html#271</a> argues that black markets were too efficient in the Russian economy. It's a similar point.(/text)
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(datetime)Thursday 2002-09-26 17:47:24(/datetime)
(name)dsquared(/name)
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Eric -- nah, I'm going after Harvard partly because a) I like to kick a man when he's down, and Harvard Inst. are under investigation for being part of the whole corrupt apparatus themselves and b) while the whole Washington Consensus is a bit ropey, the specific policy of shock therapy privatisation was particular to Russia (and some other Eastern European countries) and was an innovation of the free market shock troops sent out there, led by Harvard.(/text)
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