Tuesday, September 28, 2010

On not being obliged to vote Democrat, part one

As we head on toward US midterm elections (a set of elections in which President Obama, the charismatic and world-historical leader will not be standing, the somewhat less attractive Democratic slate consisting of "a bunch of old white guys, most of them rather rightwing"), we head once more into that season in which anyone with a US passport and politics to the left of the Washington Post editorial page has the unpleasant experience of being informed, usually quite bluntly, that the voting franchise which the US Constitution appears to grant to them personally is actually the simple property of the Democratic Party, and that any failure to dispose of it accordingly is to be regarded as a terrible dereliction of moral duty.

Obviously, one can hardly blame the Democrats for carrying the scars of 2000, but this is a point of view with which I strongly disagree, and since the current administration doesn't seem to feel the need to be polite in demanding votes[1], nor do I. Time for a short series setting out the case for not letting yourself be pushed around by the median voter theorem. I will start with an argument that is a) unserious, b) rather technical and c) therefore ineffective, to lull you all into a false sense of security. Rest assured, future episodes will get rather more realistic and, I hope, perhaps a little more convincing, and therefore are likely to generate significantly more discomfort.

Point the first: Nobody really believes in the median voter theorem

Assume a voter faced with a choice between four alternatives - {D, R, minor party, abstain}. Suppose further that the last two are genuinely equivalent (an assumption that will be relaxed in a future episode). Stipulate further that R is always measurably worse than D. The standard first year political science result would say that no matter what the extent to which you dislike D, you still ought to vote for them.

So the question is - how bad does D have to get before you get off the bus? Racial policies of mass internment? Genocidal wars in the Third World? Bad examples, I know (and there are some souls in the grip of the model who probably would vote for a policy of exterminating X puppies over a policy of exterminating X+1), but it seems pretty clear that there is some point at which it becomes obvious that a morally and politically valid response is simply to declare that the fundamental basis of the implied democratic contract has broken down, and that it's a reasonable choice to give up on electoral politics altogether. (Simple proof: if this wasn't the case, then the government of a one-party state could sponsor a local branch of the Khmer Rouge to stand against them on a Year Zero ticket, thereby obliging the local Aung San Suu Kyi figure to campaign in their favour).

The mistake here is in treating a descriptive model (the spatial competition framework underlying the median voter theorem) as a normative one. It's a model which is meant to predict which ice cream cart you choose out of two, not one that's meant to persuade you to buy an ice cream if you don't want one.

It might (and indeed, probably will) be successfully objected here that the Democrats aren't anywhere near the level at which it becomes an actual act of evil to vote for them, although Dennis Perrin disagrees. But remember that the (abstain, third party) option has more or less been set to zero by stipulation in this model, which is the assumption that will need to be relaxed, and when we do the expected value calculation you might be surprised at the results.

[1] Actually, it appears that if you are a member of "The Left" in America, it isn't just the vote that they want. A proportion of your money and quite some few hours of your time are also apparently to be mortgaged as "campaign contributions". Recent immigrants from Africa or Sicily might be confused by this, since the relationship in American politics is all bloody quid and no bloody quo.

22 comments:

  1. You'd have to posit a massive difference in parties and/or a very close election for the expected value of voting - in terms of bringing about a result that you favour - to approach its cost. Most of the time, the chance of your vote swaying the election is tiny, and the difference in payoffs similarly small.

    So the economically rational thing to do is not to vote; or, rather, to treat voting as a simple act of hedonism. If it makes you feel good to vote Green, then vote Green.

    This also assumes that the only thing you can do to affect the result is to vote; in US politics in particular, of course, that isn't true.

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  2. Yes, part 2 is going to be "The Paradox Of Voting Is Not A Paradox" on exactly the theme of this sort of bait and switch - in order to get you out of the door at all, they have to convince you that voting isn't an instrumental good that's subject to cost-benefit analysis, it's a civic statement and an act of self-identity, but then in order to get you to pull the right lever once you're out there, they need you to forget about all that self-identity and statement bollocks and suddenly become pragmatic.

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  3. Half-serious qn on footnote: doesn't America have party patronage machines any more? (ie "recent immigrants from Sicily get the same kinda thing as at home with less shooting, as long as they vote for Mr Daley's preferred local candidate")

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  4. The trouble is that the message the Democrats always seem to learn from losing is that they weren't enough like Republicans the last time.

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  5. That doesn't follow from D^2's argument. In this case, being more like Republicans would require two things - absolutely total democratic-centralist discipline in the elite, and a gleeful willingness from the base to appoint the most extreme possible candidates for all elective positions and make maximalist demands on all issues.

    This is a valid strategy if you ignore the median voter. Quick quasi formalisation: assuming that it's a priori impossible to win by extending across the median, perhaps because there is no meaningful centrist vote, ceteris paribus, the outcome of elections will be driven by the difference in the mobilisation rate of the two (or more) competing camps plus a noise term.

    If mobilisation is symmetrical, who wins the election will be a matter of chance. Who wins the government, however, will depend on how much of each camp's preferences get expressed while their lot are in charge.

    So it's rational to pull to the extreme, knowing that this maximises your payoff. Further, if one side outmobilises the other, they will win, so it's rational to support candidates and demand policies that will maximise your own side's mobilisation.

    If we extend the model to include a role for the opposition, I think you'll find that's a valid minimax strategy (as picking the most aggressive advocates for your preferences = picking the most aggressive opponents of the others').

    Of course, it falls on its arse if the political system is characterised by a large centrist vote. It also requires a robust constraint against the Mark Ames solution.

    There is an argument that this is exactly the strategy Karl Rove advised George Bush to adopt, perhaps indeed on the grounds that there are no centrists.

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  6. Yes, I don't think that the current situation of the Democrats can be explained very well as the result of triangulation. My diagnosis would be that their problem is a large installed base of incumbent Senators who don't vote for their legislation, can't even be counted on to not endorse the Republican candidate for Presidency, but who nonetheless corral all the senior committee jobs, and whose seats the party organisation is disproportionately concerned about preserving.

    (also, the reason that they're going to lose badly in 2010 is mainly mean reversion from previous large gains)

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  7. Jesus Fucking Christ.

    The Republicans of 2010 (and 2012) are by every conceivable measure much much worse than anything imaginable in 2000. And you want to run the failed experiment again? Because you're offended that the Rational Party thinks that rational people ought to support it against the Know Nothings?

    There may indeed come a time when it makes sense to build a leftist party in the United States. I would think, though, that the optimal time is not when we're in a (losing?) death struggle with loony rightism.

    And even then, it has to start to grow in friendly environments -- city councils, county commissions, state legislatures -- before it could make any sense at all on a national stage. This applies whether you're talking about a tendency within the Democratic Party or a Third Party of some kind. The idea, though, that a party that can't win a single seat in a single state legislature ought to be fielding presidential or congressional candidates (outside very special circumstances like Vermont or Connecticut) strikes me as deeply unserious. In exactly the way that the idiocy about the equivalence of Bush and Gore was deeply unserious.

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  8. It should be noted that the MVT doesn't even work as a descriptive model. I went through the political science literature last week in response to some nonsense from Will Wilkinson and Scott fucking Winship. The closest thing to a defense I could find was a piece by Bernard Grofman arguing that the necessary conditions for MVT to work in theory gave you some intuitions as why it didn't in fact work in practice.

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  9. 1. According to the median voter theorem the Republicans cannot be significantly worse than the democrats, since the theorem states that the two parties must offer practically indistinguishable platforms. Thus, the MVT cannot be a good argument for voting Democrat. If anything, it lends support to Nader's tweedledee vs. tweedledum position.

    2. The real problem with the Democrats is not that they are reflecting median opinion, but that they, like the Republicans, are representing elite interests.

    3. Elections should properly be seen as a mere political tool - not as expressing support for the platforms, records or personalities of the candidates.

    4. Thus, the electoral question is whether the increased risk of Republican government due to withdrawal of support from the Democrats is offset by a possible improvement in Democratic policy due to an attempt to placate the disaffected voters.

    5. It is hard to make a clear case either way on this practical matter.

    6. It is rather evident that in any case the answer to this question makes little difference - both parties serve elite interests and inflict suffering on a large scale (e.g., the bipartisan genocidal wars.)

    7. The real political choice is whether to allow the current election-based system to persist, or to push for a democracy by replacing it with a sortition-based system.

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  10. The Republicans of 2010 (and 2012) are by every conceivable measure much much worse than anything imaginable in 2000.

    I don't really agree with this. Particularly given that this is a midterm election, what is actually so different between the current Congressional Republicans, compared to the Gingrich-era ones? The Tea Party make for entertaining headlines, but the actual people standing for election are just a parliamentary party that were reasonably successful in obstructing the passage of some legislation that they didn't agree with.

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  11. Quite. Remember that the "Republicans of 2000" got elected in 2000 and did all the horrible things they did from 2001 onwards. They set the bar, in other words, pretty high.
    Are we really sure that the current batch, if elected, would do any worse? Worse than the worst-judged war since Vietnam and the worst recession since the 1930s? Worse than legalising torture and leaving a city to drown?

    I mean, I'm sure Palin would be a disaster, but she'd have to be a total catastrophe to be any worse than her predecessors. We're talking about, say, simultaneous badly-run wars in Iran, Somalia and Yemen, the complete destruction of San Francisco by earthquake, public executions by garotte and the collapse of the US dollar.

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  12. I'm not sure you guys fully appreciate the tribal shift over on the right. Candidate Bush felt constrained to pretend that he represented 'compassionate conservatism' and that the US does not engage in torture. To proclaim that we were not at war with Islam, a religion of peace. Uniter not a divider -- an explicit rejection of the impeachment.

    These sorts of things are not only no longer necessary, they aren't even possible on the right.

    A Republican House will add one radical rider after another to the appropriations bills. They'll wear down the Senate -- not too difficult with (a) red state Blue Dogs running scared of 2012 and (b) incessant cheerleading from the right (ie all) media about Boehner's mandate. And Obama isn't going to veto that much of it. If anything.

    Now it's true that they won't start any new wars (absent an attack of some kind) -- that'll have to wait until they get someone into the WH. They'll certainly provide a forum for every complaint that the restrictive rules of engagement in Afghanistan are preventing our brave heroes from winning the war there, etc.

    I can see why foreigners wouldn't care so much about the termination of Social Security, the (near-)repeal of the Endangered Species Act, drilling in ANWR, repeal of the health care provisions that just went into effect, federal crackdown on loose state marijuana regimes, defunding federal contributions to special needs education, or massive funding of further research on missile defense. Just to pick a few. That's really no reason to pretend, though, that these things shouldn't matter to Americans.

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  13. And I'll await the next post to complain about my other point, unaddressed above: there are, what, 6,000 state legislative seats in the US (and God knows how many county commission seats -- there's plenty going on in counties, but states are where most of the real action that affects people is) and you want me to think about using my vote for federal office on a party/tendency that can't win 1% of them? 0.5%?

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  14. Candidate Bush felt constrained to pretend that he represented 'compassionate conservatism' and that the US does not engage in torture.

    Not sure how this might be relevant to the question of voting Democrat or Republican. Candidate Gore campaigned on a ticket of regime change in Iraq, while President Obama has won a case on forbidding victims of torture to sue while giving himself the right to order more or less anyone in the world killed.

    can see why foreigners wouldn't care so much about the termination of Social Security, the (near-)repeal of the Endangered Species Act, drilling in ANWR, repeal of the health care provisions that just went into effect, federal crackdown on loose state marijuana regimes, defunding federal contributions to special needs education, or massive funding of further research on missile defense. Just to pick a few.

    How would this seemingly quite radical agenda be put through the Senate without Democratic co-operation?

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  15. Now it's true that they won't start any new wars (absent an attack of some kind) -- that'll have to wait until they get someone into the WH

    Actually, Congress, not the President, has the sole power to declare war. While I can't think of a time in US history when a belligerent Congress has dragged a reluctant President to war, there's no reason it couldn't happen.

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  16. In that decidedly weird event, the President *could* simply decline to order any combat operations.

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  17. I see the Democrats less as "carrying the scars of 2000" than building on their achievements. It seems to me that they succeeded in discrediting minor party or independent runs against the Democrat Party from the left. To enforce discipline, there is the "veal pen," for one, and the ruthless legal assault against those left challengers audacious enough to place their name on the ballot. In America, being a third party means incessant battles over ballot access.

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  18. "I'm not sure you guys fully appreciate the tribal shift over on the right."

    I think that in the UK many of us have been very aware for some time about some of the odd political tendencies that have developed in the USA, which is why we worry a great deal about our political leaders who believe in a "special relationship" that was more appropriate in the days of Eisenhower.

    Guano

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  19. Worth restating, not just for CC's benefit but because in any discussion about voting it gets repeatedly forgotten, that from the perspective of the individual voter there are no consequences of how they choose to vote. Even if it were Jesus running against the Nazis. In the highly improbable circumstance that their vote does have a consequence, the consequence in this case will be +1 senator, which will probably not be the vote that privatises social security.

    In so far as we can talk about plausible outcomes of the election, whether it's privatisation vs socialism, or much more likely no second stimulus/climate change bill vs no second stimulus/climate change bill, we're only expressing our uncertainty about the future, not listing the alternatives a voter can choose between. That list is on the ballot paper (or not, as ST reminds us).

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  20. In answer to John B way up there, no, there are no patronage-based machines left.

    Or, more accurately, the patronage that exists consists of wealthy interests (at the local level, real estate developers; at the state level, prison guard unions and private prison operators; at the national level, defense contractors) who get favorable government treatment in exchange for campaign contributions. Hoi polloi don't get within sniffing distance of goodies (this actually probably has something to do with declining voter participation, but that's a guess).

    A given local pol may have some amount of patronage through the Public Works Department or such, but there simply isn't enough municipal employment to create a large-scale, effective machine. And the real patronage folks - the wealthy - are happier that way, since it means no ugly populism or concessions to hoi polloi who might expect largesse for their votes, as opposed to mere sinecures.

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  21. Its probably worth pointing out to CharleyCarp that Obama currently has two commissions running. One is looking at radical changes to Social Security (and has been deliberately stacked with idealogues for privatisation), the other is looking at some pretty radical cuts to government expenditure. Both were formed without any particular pressure to do them (the pressure for cuts came later). And then there's his appointment of possibly the worst appointee to the Supreme Court for a very long time. Or his support for off shore drilling, even when it was fairly obvious how big a disaster was developing in the Gulf. Not to mention his appalling ideas for school education.

    Also there are some interesting signs that things might start to shift leftwards over the next couple of generations. Demographic shifts, a more liberal younger generation and also changes among the religious. And while the Tea Party might be loud, they're not actually that big.

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  22. There may indeed come a time when it makes sense to build a leftist party in the United States. I would think, though, that the optimal time is not when we're in a (losing?) death struggle with loony rightism.


    IDK, I think when you're completely fucking losing, that's not a bad time to think about changing strategy.

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