Hundreds of thousands die in Hypothetistan
I suppose it was inevitable that "Project Africa" would start off with a post about Zimbabwe; I am uncomfortably aware that this is an exercise in dilettantism and in many ways pretty patronising. And here I am, a Brit writing about Zimbabwe and seeing it as a mirror in which are reflected my general political views. Sorry, Zimbabwegians[1]. The only real defence I have is that a) I've been planning to do this for a long time and b) it's better than US election horserace coverage. Did I ever tell you I was born in Zambia? No, you're right, that doesn't really have much to do with anything. Anyway in any case, it's important to emphasise that this isn't meant to be a project of me learning a lot about Africa or becoming a source of news and comment for that continent; it's the same mix of personal hobbyhorses and oddball economics, but hung on a hopefully less overfamiliar set of news pegs. Heho, moment of self-awareness over, back to standing on your heads lads.
Over at B'n'T, discussion of whether we can that if (as currently looks likely), Zimbabwe ends up transitioning to a post-Mugabe world by election, it will compare somewhat favourably with the outcome in Iraq. Dan H makes the reasonable point that nobody can really tell how Zimbabwe will end up - whoever's in charge, it will still be a hyperinflationary basket case economy with bad food security[2], lots of unemployed people with weapons and quite a few old ethnic/political scores to settle. Which is true, but on the other hand we can never tell what the results would have been from an armed intervention in Rwanda[3] and that does not stop people making it the backbone of their argument for humanitarian interventionism. So I think it is actually quite fair to count Zimbabwe as a success story for noninterventionism, and even to try and come up with a few estimates of the number of lives saved[4].
Zimbabwe had three consecutive years of crop failure between 2003 and 2005, leaving approximately 7.5m Zimbabweans dependent on food aid during that period. There was a lot of talk about Zanu-PF officials denying food aid to opposition supporters, but since there wasn't mass starvation during those years, my assumption is that the food aid was largely effective. Bishop Pious Ncube was quoted in media reports at the time as saying that 200,000 Zimbabweans were at risk of death in 2004, and this looks like a more credible estimate than some of the numbers around 500,000 that were being floated around at various points during that year; this was the stakes we were talking about, although an exceptional effort by the aid agencies meant that mass starvation didn't happen.
If, on the other hand, there had been an invasion, it would have been much more difficult for the aid agencies to do their job. It is true that mass famine deaths were predicted in Afghanistan as a result of the 2001 invasion and didn't happen - this was partly due to a massive effort by the World Food Programme, operating alongside the coalition army, and partly due to the fact that the drought which had been in place in Afghanistan since 1997 ended late in 2001, meaning that more livestock survived than was expected.
In principle, an Afghanistan-style operation could have been carried out alongside any invasion of Zimbabwe; Zimbabwe has about half the population of Afghanistan, it would have been if anything easier to transport the food, and there were stores of wheat readily available. However, I think that would be optimistic. The US operation in Afghanistan had the support of neighbouring countries to act as bases, so there was no issue with the fact that allowing aid convoys to move through your country implied allowing US troops to move with them. No such support could necessarily have been assumed in the case of Zimbabwe. Also, the Afghanistan invasion was a massively important goal of the USA. No other power on earth could have organised that sort of operation. This is straying into the territory of assuming that the politics of the world are as they are, rather than as someone wants them to be[5], but I really don't believe that the USA, no matter who was in charge, could have been persuaded that an operation on that scale for Zimbabwe was justified, particularly since it wasn't even an imminent humanitarian catastrophe - after, Mugabe was a bastard right enough, but you only have to think about Sudan, Uganda, DR Congo and Somalia to realise that there's a quantitative difference here that makes a qualitative difference. And that's without getting into the obvious point that the fact of Afghanistan and Iraq made it impossible to launch another operation on that scale.
So I actually think that an invasion of Zimbabwe could quite easily have led to at least 200,000 avoidable deaths from famine, plus whatever lives were lost in the actual fighting. This is a pretty conservative estimate, since of course Pious Ncube's estimate was not made in the context of a massive IDP problem. Things could of course have got even worse if the "veterans' groups" metastatized into the kind of small militias/large crime gangs that have characterised the aftermath of other African civil wars.
In other words, I would chalk up to the Zimbabwe non-intervention something like 200,000 lives saved. Or alternatively, attribute to the interventionist tendency 200,000 dead in Zimbabwe, in the way in which the entire death toll in Rwanda is attributed to non-interventionism. It is important to note these things, because otherwise the benefits of non-intervention get wildly understated; one needs to show the kind of people who are prepared to claim that the anti-war camp has the blood of Rwanda on its hands that we can do counterfactuals too.
[1] I am never going to get tired of that joke.
[2] Hopefully a few notes on the general subject of hyperinflations and how they have been halted in the past (the paradigm cases are Israel in 1985 and Argentina in 2000; I also have one extremely heterodox alternative suggestion) forthcoming in the pretty near future.
[3] Other than the results from the one actual armed intervention which took place in Rwanda, Operation Turquoise. Which were disastrous, but for some reason this is just bracketed out of the interventionist narrative; all of the consequences of Turquoise are ascribed to French perfidy and incompetence and it is assumed that the hypothetical UN/Nato/whoever operation which did not take place would have been perfectly competent and had no ulterior political motives.
[4] I am not, frankly, a fan of the school of analysis which only counts lives versus lives and ignores the considerable financial cost of carrying out a war as being a vulgar and squalid consideration suitable only to morally disgusting human calculating machines. But for the time being I will reluctantly go along with it.
[5] It is clear that "engage with our ideas" is Decent slang for "spot us a load of very serious logistical and military problems which we regard ourselves as entitled to assume will be solved by people like General Petraeus". I don't regard this as a valid argument at all, but I can see how the other aspect of "engage with our ideas" as slang for "assume that we could persuade everyone to agree with us" is sort of legitimate.
I was born in Zambia, too. Mufalira, 1975.
ReplyDeleteDo you think that Mugabi could have summoned up the forces to seriously resist an invasion? I'm not advocating one, but it's a flat country, easily accessible and they'd hardly have been fighting the Mujahideen. These days, very few people have any "skin in the game", tribal allegiances aside (and these aren't hold in the cities), to put up much of a fight.
Letting Mugabe drag on has maybe saved some lives by allowing for aid interventions, but the social/economic decline of Zimbabwe has had a big impact on average life expectancy. Down from probaly somewhere in the mid-50s to the low 30s - although Botswana has similarly grizzly numbers (although, bloody hell, the CIA World Factbook states it was 33 for Botswana in 2006 and has shot up to 50 in 2007).
I'm sure AIDS has been a big contributor to the decline in average life expectancy, but the economic/political collapse has likely been the single biggest factor. (Although the likes of Emily Oster would probably tell us that the economic decline has had a positive impact on the AIDS rate). Lives saved or lives shortened, who's counting?
If invasion wasn't the right thing to do (and you're almost certainly right on that) could anything more have been done? Did we do enough to strong arm/persuade the rest of Africa into freezing out Mugabi? He's hero worshipped by the old guard, but surely a total embarassment to everyone else in African politics?
One unaccounted-for cost of intervention - that is, invasion and occupation followed or accompanied (if 'successful') by installation of a compliant or quisling government - is the civil war that often precedes or accompanies withdrawal of the intervening armies. Such wars may drag on for years, and dominate a state's politics and institutions for decades, particularly when combined with partition.
ReplyDeleteNo, AIDS has definitely been a bigger factor than the economy; Zambia actually has a slightly lower life expectancy at birth.
ReplyDeleteDo you think that Mugabi could have summoned up the forces to seriously resist an invasion? I'm not advocating one, but it's a flat country, easily accessible and they'd hardly have been fighting the Mujahideen.
Depends what you mean by "seriously resist". The UN Army would have rolled into Harare no problem, but while Zimbabwe is flat, it's got an awful lot of bhundu out there. And while the "veterans" aren't Mujahideen, they are veterans and they do have plenty of skin in the game in the form of the land that was given to them; I really really can't see any intervention that wouldn't have been subverted by white farmer interests. It would have been pretty bloody.
Zambia has been an economic shambles for years (recent copper boom aside), so it's not really comparing like with like. Zimbabwe has fallen an awful long way.
ReplyDeleteDo we know about numbers of veterans? I dunno, I have a gut feeling they're not that numerous or ferocious. Also, there's not (to my knowledge) a hardnut character like Savimbi or a total nutter like Konny to corral them together into something resembling a fighting force, although one could easily be found, I'm sure.
Any thoughts on what more the African political elite could have done to expedite Mugabi's demise? They have sat by idly, lamely giving him patronage as Africa's elder statesman. I'm not sure why a propserous Zimbabwe isn't in SA's interests economic and social, for example.
I've no quarrel with your assessment of Zimbabwe, but I'm not sure about the broader point. What next, Third World War averted by non-intervention in Tibet? Now that's the final nail in the Decent coffin eh?
ReplyDeleteI suspect the crucial factor in non-intervention was the attitude of South Africa.
ReplyDeleteHad SA been anti-Mugabe, then it would have been impossible for PM "I'm doing the right thing" to refuse to offer at least logistical support (and probably some air support too) to a South African Army intervention.
Once the decision has been made, the key intel to get right is:
1) How many of the 'war veterans' are willing and capable of armed resistance.
2) How good in terms of discipline and restraint are the SA troops who do the fighting and the occupation bit afterwards? One My Lai and you've lost the war.
3) How sympathetic are the people of the countryside to Mugabe and what can be done to bring them on side? Perhaps cutting them some kind of land deal in conjunction with (thunderclap!) the white farmers might work?
4) What cut off period to choose when the invasion troops are withdrawn? I recommend 6 months minimum, 12 months maximum.
Soliders of whatever nation or culture are so obnoxious that they are always hated after one year, no matter how well disciplined or led.
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Unlike D2 I rather think that had the above conditions and percentages been favourable, then an intervention would have been the right thing to do.
Intervention the right thing to do, you say?
ReplyDelete*Pokes hornets' nest with big shitty stick*
Interesting.
Maybe we could have tried "izzy wizzy, let's get busy" or something.
ReplyDeleteI've never heard you mention the British intervention in Sierra Leone, a fairly clear cut example of where foreign intervention did actually serve to stop a very brutal civil war.
ReplyDeleteAlso, continued French quasi intervention in Chad (i.e. having 1,000s of troops posted in the middle of N'Djamena) has almost certainly prevented the Dafour conflict from escalating into full blow civil war in Chad.
The French intervention in the Ivory Coast, while propping up a fairly lousy government, did help set in train events that very probably saved 1,000s of lives.
These are 3 examples of where foreign intervention in Africa chalked up a serious number of lives saved. Or perhaps you'd like to apply a dash of business school logic and D2D myopia to come up with a completely different conclusion?
Stop this trading examples crazy talk.
ReplyDeleteWe already know that some interventions were good and some were bad, and we can compile a list of good and bad hypothetical interventions. You cannot generate a general rule of interventions by adding them up.
So, if you don't based strategic decisions, in part, around prior experience, what the fucking hell do you base them on? (Apart from what you're taught at business school, of course)
ReplyDeleteI have mentioned Sierra Leone in the past plenty of times, Dave, so my considered MBA response is "Fuck off, Dave".
ReplyDeleteAlso, you don't give the impression of understanding what happened in Sierra Leone very well at all if you're just characterising it as a humanitarian intervention. I have written a couple of articles about the French presence in Chad and don't agree with your analysis there either. And you don't appear to know enough about Cote d'Ivoire to get the name of the country right.
Let's have a big debate about the limits of interventionism, not including you, Dave.
Can't find much evidence of your views on Sierra Leone, perhaps you'd care to direct us to it? And who mentioned humanitarian?
ReplyDeleteYou're having a laugh with regards to Chad (or Tchad, if you insist), BTW, and I suspect you've not got a fucking clue what you're on about on this one. Speak to anyone who has spent a decent amount of time there and they'll tell you the city would have been over run in 2006 and Deby thrown out if it wasn't for the presence of the French.
Also, while we're dealing with nommenclatural pedantries, I would note that while you went to a business school, you didn't actually get an MBA, now did you? Grade inflation, tut, tut.
Wasn't this supposed to be a humanitarian intervention?
ReplyDeleteSpeak to anyone who has spent a decent amount of time there and they'll tell you the city would have been over run in 2006 and Deby thrown out if it wasn't for the presence of the French.
So this means, what? That Deby's a corrupt dictator who wouldn't survive five minutes if it weren't for French military help? That it's a good idea for the West to prop up corrupt dictators on the grounds that the alternative is civil war?
I should have caveated that propping up Idriss Deby is, as a stand alone objective, very definitely a bad thing to do.
ReplyDeleteBut to flip your question on its head, is it a bad idea for the West to prop up dictators if it helps maintain the vaguest semblance of a status quo (albeit a very shitty one) and prevents possible civil war and 1,000s of lives lost?
Well, that's the question, isn't it? I think that it's not a sustainable policy and it is likely to involve giving those dictators arms in order to kill their subjects, thereby defeating its own objectives - even if one accepts that those are the objectives.
ReplyDeleteAnd it's worth bearing in mind that it's the opposite of the interventionists' policy in Iraq.
[I know far too little about Africa to comment on the substantive issues. However, unless you refer to, e.g., China as 中国 when talking about it in English, then you've no business chiding others for translating Cote d'Ivoire's name into the language that you're having a discussion in. And yes, I know that the Ivory Coast government discourages us from translating the country's name into our own language; this makes them petty cunts whose wishes should therefore be ignored.]
ReplyDeleteNo, the correct English name for a country is the one in front of their desk at the United Nations. Anything else is wrong, and in the context of Africa it's important to be punctilious about this sort of thing or else you end up facilitating the kind of cunts who talk about "The Sudan". I also have no time for people who refer to "Los Malvinas" when talking in Spanish.
ReplyDeleteperhaps you'd care to direct us to it?
No, I wouldn't care to do so. So you'll have to look for it yourself if you're not going to ask nicely.
is it a bad idea for the West to prop up dictators if it helps maintain the vaguest semblance of a status quo (albeit a very shitty one) and prevents possible civil war and 1,000s of lives lost?
Has to be decided on a case by case basis, doesn't it? There's a general presupposition against doing so (because it has a really bad record - "propping up a really bad dictator to prevent a civil war was exactly what the French thought they were doing in Rwanda) but one can't rule it out per se.
Propping up Idriss Déby himself however? Difficult to say. I actually wrote an article in favour of the French action in 2006 at the time when it happened, which I'm also not going to link to, just to give Dave some practice.
However, the main point I was going to make (and the reason why I disagree with Dave's analysis) is that to describe a military presence which has specifically been requested by the government of a state as "a quasi intervention" is wildly silly. The difference between landing troops in a country at the request of its government and landing troops in a country when the incumbent government (and its army) doesn't want you to is well worth learning if you plan a career in military matters.
No, the correct English name for a country is the one in front of their desk at the United Nations.
ReplyDeleteHave you told the BBC?
Yes, once via their "Have Your Say" feature and once by email. It has no fucking effect whatsoever.
ReplyDeleteI might add that should I ever engage my Argentinian friend across the hallway in conversation about the Falklands, it is unlikely that I shall either employ the term, "Las Islas Falkland" or enjoin him to do so...
ReplyDeleteIt is correct though. My real animus is against the imperial definite article ("the Sudan", "the Congo (for real cunts, "the Belgian Congo". Or for that matter, "the Ivory Coast")
ReplyDelete"The Ukraine" would be another, though in that instance (and perhaps in others) I wonder if it derives from the fact that the language lacks an article and so whoever originally put about the term was trying to distinguish, perhaps, the nation or the territory from something else.
ReplyDeleteJust speculating, really, as I would be if I wondered if "the Ivory Coast" wasn't the orignal English term for the place so described, given that I assume that the locals didn't call it anything of the sort.
I think the only legitimate definite article country name is "The Netherlands". I would presume that since elephants don't live by the sea and the locals wouldn't have exported ivory before colonisation, "The Ivory Coast" is not the original name.
ReplyDelete"The United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland"?
ReplyDeleteI suppose (and I think you're saying) that the use of the article tends to be associated with the decription of an area as a territory rather than as a state. Hence "the Sudan" and "the Ukraine" (given that it was a possession of the Tsar). If the Cotswolds were to declare independence they'd presumably become a state called Cotswolds.
ReplyDelete"The Ukraine" is because the word ukraine means "frontier".
ReplyDelete